2 CD - 453 185-2 - (p) 1996

50 Jahre (1947-1997) - Codex II Serie - 5/5








NOTRE DAME Period - Organa 2 vocum

138' 19"
LEONIN (Magister) (c.1135-c.1201) - 1. Viderunt omnes JB - choir (unisono) - bells
9' 02"
1 - 1
LEONIN (Magister)
- 2. Alleluya Pascha nostrum MH - choir (unisono) - bells 5' 53"
1 - 2
LEONIN (Magister) - 3. Gaude Maria Vigo
PE - choir (unisono) - bells 6' 51"
1 - 3
LEONIN (Magister) - 4. Locus iste
CB - choir (unisono) - bells 5' 57"
1 - 4

NOTRE DAME Period - Organa 4 vocum



PEROTIN (c.1160-c.1230) - 5. Viderunt omnes
PE,RCC,MH - choir (unisono) - positive organ 11' 49"
1 - 5
PEROTIN - 6. Sederunt principes
choir - positive organ 11' 14"
1 - 6

ARS ANTIQUA - Motetti



ANONYMUS - 7. Alle, psallite cum luya, 3 voc. MH,JP,GS - tenor shawm, tabor 1' 07"
1 - 7
ANONYMUS
- 8. Amor potest, 3 voc.
MH,PE - tenor shawm 1' 00"
1 - 8
ANONYMUS - 9. S'on me regarde, 3 voc.
MH,PE - fiddle, mandora, harp, psaltery 2' 23"
1 - 9
ANONYMUS - 10. In mari miserie, 3 voc.
MH,PE,GS - bells 1' 50"
1 - 10
ANONYMUS - 11. On parole de batre, 3 voc.
JB,CB,GS - tabor 1' 51"
1 - 11
ANONYMUS - 12. En mai, quant rosier sont flouri, 3 voc.
PE,MH,GS - recorder, portative organ, fiddle, lute 2' 07"
1 - 12
ANONYMUS - 13. Dominator Domine, 3 voc. MH,PE,GS - bells 1' 49"
1 - 13
ANONYMUS - 14. El mois de mai, 3 voc.
MH,PE - rebec, soprano recorder, fiddle, lute 1' 35"
1 - 14
ANONYMUS - 15. O mitissima, 3 voc.
JB,CB,GS - tenor shawm, tabor 1' 24"
1 - 15
ANONYMUS - 16. Hoquetus I-VII, 3 voc.
cornetts, alto shawm, fiddles, rebec, harp, organ, rebec,harp, mandora 7' 46"
2 - 1
PETRUS DE CRUCE (c.1260-c.1300) - 17. Aucun ont trouvé, 3 voc.
CB,MH - fiddle 3' 15"
2 - 2
ADAM DE LA HALLE (c.1237-1288) - 18. De ma dame vient, 3 voc.
MH,PH - fiddle 2' 26"
2 - 3
ADAM DE LA HALLE - 19. J'os bien a m'amie parler, 3 voc.
JB,CB - recorder, fiddle 1' 52"
2 - 4
ANONYMUS - 20. La mesnie fauveline, 3 voc.
PE,MH,GS 1' 16"
2 - 5

ARS NOVA - Motetti



ANONYMUS - 21. Quant je le voi, 3 voc.
PE,JN,MH,JP - tenor shawm, tabor 1' 02"
2 - 6
ANONYMUS - 22. Zelus familie, 3 voc.
MH,PE,GS 2' 53"
2 - 7
ANONYMUS - 23. Quasi non ministerium, 4 voc.
DJ,CB,JB - fiddle 2' 44"
2 - 8
PHILIPPE DE VETRY (1291-1361) - 24. Impudenter circumivi, 4 voc.
JB,CB - 2 fiddles 3' 10"
2 - 9
PHILIPPE DE VETRY - 25. Cum statua, 3 voc.
CB,JB - alto shawm 2' 27"
2 - 10
BERNARD DE CLUNY (XIII Century) - 26. Pantheon abluitur, 5 voc.
JB,CB,GS - alto shawm, slide trumpet
2' 39"
2 - 11
ANONYMUS - 27. Clap, clap, par un matin, 3 voc. MH,PH - psaltery, mandora, fiddle, harp 1' 30"
2 - 12
HENRI GILLES DE PUSIEX (XIII Century) - 28. Ida capillorum, 4 voc. JB,CB - fiddle, cornemuse 4' 03"
2 - 13
HENRI GILLES DE PUSIEX
- 29. Rachel plorat filios, 3 voc. PE,MH - tenor shawm 1' 52"
2 - 14
ANONYMUS - 30. Lés l'ormel a la turelle, 3 voc. PE,MH,GS 1' 50"
2 - 15
ANONYMUS
- 31. O Philippe, Franci qui generis, 3 voc. JB,CB - tenor shawm 3' 34"
2 - 16
ANONYMUS
- 32. Febus mundo oriens, 3 voc. CB,JB,MH 3' 32"
2 - 17
Guillaume de MACHAUT (c.1300-1377) - 33. Lasse! comment oublieray, 3 voc. PE,MH,GS 4' 06"
2 - 18
Guillaume de MACHAUT
- 34. Qui es promesses, 3 voc. JB,CB - tenor shawm 1' 54"
2 - 19
Guillaume de MACHAUT
- 35. Hoquetus David, 3 voc. 2 cornetts, alto shawm, bells 3' 17"
2 - 20
Guillaume de MACHAUT
- 36. Christe, qui lux es, 4 voc. JB,CB - slide trumpet, tenor shawm 4' 13"
2 - 21
ANONYMUS - 37. Degentis vita, 4 voc. PE,MH - 2 fiddles, lute, harp 2' 14"
2 - 22
ANONYMUS
- 38. Inter densas deserti meditans, 3 voc. PE,MH - fiddle, lute 3' 18"
2 - 23
Philippe ROYLLART (XIV Century) - 39. Rex Karole, Johannis genite, 5 voc. JB,CB - alto cornett, tenor shawm, tenor cornett 4' 19"
2 - 24




 
James BOWMAN, counter tenor (JB)
Charles BRETT, counter tenor (CB)
Rogers COVEY-CRUMP, tenor (RCC)
Paul ELLIOTT, tenor (PE)
Martin HILL, tenor (MH)
John NIXON, tenor (JN)
John POTTER, tenor (JP)
Geoffrey SHAW, bass (GS)

THE EARLY MUSIC CONSORT OF LONDON
- Oliver Brookes, fiddle (Roland Prentice, London)
- Eleanor Sloan, rebec (adapted from a Yugoslavian folk instrument), fiddle (Robert Hadaway, Hayton, Nordfolk)
- Nigel North, rebec (Martin Bowers, Ingatestone, Essex)
-
James Tyler, lute (Arabic instrument, Damascus c.1900), mandora (anonymous Italian, early 17th century)
- Gillian Reid, bells (Whitechapel Bell Foundry, London), Psaltery (Alan Crumpler, Liverpool)
- Christopher Hogwood, harp (Keith Theobald, Tisbury, Wilts.), portative organ (Noel Mander, London)
- David Corkhill, bells (Whitechapel Bell Foundry, London), positive organ (Noel Mander, London), nakers (Paul Williamson, London), tabor (Biesemans, Brussels)
- Michael Laird, cornett (Christopher Monk, Farnham, Surrey), alto cornett (Moeck, Celle)
- Iaan Wilson, cornett (Christopher Monk, Farnham, Surrey)
- Alan Lumsden, tenor cornett (
Christopher Monk, Farnham, Surrey), slide trumpet (Philip Bate, London)
- David Munrow, soprano and alto recorder (Friedrich von Huene, Boston, Mass.), tenor recorder (Bärenreiter, Kassel), alto shawm (Steinkopf, Berlin), tenor shawm (Steinkopf/Moeck, Celle), tenor cornemuse (Moeck, Celle)

David MUNROW, direction


Sources:
Nos. 1-4: W.G. Waite, The Rhythm of XIIth Century Polyphony, New Haven 1954
Nos. 5,6: The Works of Perotin, ed, E, Thurston, New York 1970
Nos. 7-12, 17: CODEX MONTPELLIER. Polyphonies du XIII° siècle, le Manuscrit H 196 de la Faculté e Médecine de Montpellier, publié par Yvonne Rockseth, Paris 1936
Nos. 13-16: CODEX BAMBERG. Cent Motets du XIII° siècle, publiés d'après le Manuscrit Ed. IV. 6 de Bamberg par Pierre Aubry, Paris 1908
Nos. 18, 19: The Lyric Works of Adam de la Halle, ed. N. Wilkins, Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae, vol. 44, Dallas 1967
Nos. 20-25: ROMAN DE FAUVEL. Polyphonic Music of the 14th Century, vol. I, ed. L. Schrade, Monaco 1956
Nos. 26-32: CODEX IVREA. Polyphonic Music of the 14th Century, vol. VI, ed, F. L1. Harrison, Monaco 1968
Nos. 33-36: The Works of Guillaume de Machaut, Polyphonic Music of the 14th Century, vols. II/III, ed L. Schrade, Monaco 1956
Nos. 37-39: CODEX CHANTILLY. Polyphonic Music of the 14th Century, vol. V, ed. F. L1. Harrison, Monaco 1968
 






Luogo e data di registrazione
Chapel, Charter House, Surrey (Inghilterra) - 4-5 aprile 1975
Conway Hall, London (Inghilterra) - 22-30 ottobre 1975


Original Editions
Archiv Produktion | 2723 045 | 3 LP | durata 51' 08" · 44' 21" · 42' 50" | (p) 1976 | ANA | stereo


Edizione "Codex"

Archiv Produktion "Codex" | 453 185-2 | durata 66' 31" · 71' 50" | LC 0113 | 2 CD | (p) 1996 | ADD | stereo


Executive Producer
Dr. Andreas Holschneider


Recording Producer and Tonmeister
Dr. Gerd Ploebsch


Recording Engineer
Hans-Peter Schweimann, Klaus Hiemann


Cover
Bible de Sainte-André, Bibliothèque des Beaux-Arts, Paris


Art Direction

Fred Münzmaier


Note
Original-Image-Bit-Processing - Added presence and brilliance, greater spatial definition












ORIGINAL EDITIONS

3 LP - 2723 045 - (p) 1976


Treasures from Archiv Produktion’s Catalogue
A rare and valuable collection of documents is the pride of any library or archive. CODEX, Archiv Produktion’s new series, presents rare documents in sound from 50 years of pioneering recording. These recordings have been digitally remastered using original-image bit-processing technology and can now be appreciated in all the richness of their original sound-image. They range from the serene counterpoint of a Machaut, the intensely spiritual polyphony of a Victoria, to the imposing state-music of a Handel.
For the artists on Archiv Produktion recordings, a constant aim has been to rediscover the musical pulse of past times and to recreate the spirit of past ages. In this sense each performance here - whether by Pro Musica Antiqua of Brussels in the 1950s, the Regensburg Domchor in the 1960s, or Kenneth Gilbert and Trevor Pinnock in the 1970s - made a vital contribution to the revival of Early Music in our time.
CODEX highlights recordings that were unique in their day, many of them first recordings ever of this rare and remarkable repertoire, now appearing for the first time on CD. A special aspect of the history of performance in our century can now be revisited, as great moments from Archiv Produktion’s recording history are restored and experienced afresh.
Dr. Peter Czornyi
Director, Archiv Produktion

DAVID MUNROW - During the final stages of the editorial work on this production we learned that David Munrow had died at the age of 33. He was an exceptional man. His aim was to bring the music of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance to life and make it convincing in our quite different world.With the basic study of the sources as his starting point, he had the rare ability and understanding to excel both as a musicologist and as a performer, and he was a man who radiated an extraordinary musical energy and intensity.

MUSIC OF THE GOTHIC ERA
These recordings trace the history of polyphonic music based on plain-song through a period of just over 200 years, starting with the organa of Léonin (composed probably between 1160 and 1170) and ending with motets from the Chantilly Codex (compiled about 1380-90). This period was one of the most eventful in the history of early music since it covers both the beginnings and the rapid development of measured part-music. At first the main centre was Paris, but by the early 14th century distinctive and independent schools of composition were flourishing in Italy and England as well as France, and the principal forms of mediaeval polyphony had been established: mass movements, motets and conductus inside the Church, and outside it the formes fixes of courtly music-making; the French rondeau, virelai and ballade and the Italian madrigal, ballata and caccia. The works selected for this recording are all French in origin however, and are all connected by their use of a plainsong (or occasionally plainsong substitute) tenor. They demonstrate not only a fascinating process of evolution in musical composition but a form of historical evolution too. The transition from a sacred to a secular milieu epitomised by the progress of the motet illustrates the extent to which purely musical developments have been brought about by contemporary social, economic and political factors.

The Notre Dame Period
The age in which Léonin and Pérotin lived has rightly been described as one of intellectual fer
ment. Men had finally emerged from the Dark Ages and were looking back for inspiration to the art, architecture and literature of the Greek and Roman civilisations. The so called ‘Renaissance of the 12th century’ which witnessed such important musical developments also saw the establishment of universities at Paris, Montpellier, Oxford, Bologna and Salerno, a new learning and literature in Latin and the flowering of troubadour poetry and the drama of the mediaeval Church. Although music was still something of a beginner amongst these other arts, it was an important academic subject just as it had been in classical times. Together with arithmetic, geometry and astronomy it made up the quadrivium, the higher division of the seven liberal arts studied at the universities. And the close association between Church and university in Paris naturally fostered the development of Church music. Writing of the Paris of 1210, the historian William of Armorica has this to say of the university:
In that time letters flourished at Paris. Never before in any time or in any part of the world, whether in Athens or in Egypt had there been such a multitude of students. The reason for this must be sought not only in the admirable beauty of Paris; but also in the special privileges which King Philip and his father before him conferred upon the scholars. In that great city the study of the trivium and the quadrivium... [was] held in high esteem. But the crowd pressed with a special zeal about the chairs where Holy Scripture was taught, or where problems of theology were solved.
The University of Paris, which became pre-eminent amongst the mediaeval universities, developed around the great Cathedral of Notre Dame, begun in 1163. Tantalisingly little is known about the school of composers whose music was performed there. In a brief sketch written in about 1280 an Englishman (Coussemaker, Scriptores, Anonymus IV) tells us:
Magister Leoninus was the best composer of organum, who made the Magnus liber organi de Gradali et Antiphonario in order to increase the divine service. This was in use until the time of the great Perotinus who shortened this book and made many better clausulae or puncta [substitute sections], since he was the best composer of discantus and better than Leoninus, although he cannot be said to reveal the subtlety of [Léonin’s] organum. This Magister Perotinus wrote the best quadrupla [four-part organa] such as Viderunt and Sederunt with an abundance of ‘colours’ in the art of harmonic music... The book or books of Magister Perotinus were in use both in the choir of the church of Notre Dame in Paris until the time of Magister Robertas de Sabilone, and from his time until the present day....
It is difficult to overestimate the achievements of these two composers. Léonin’s Magnus liber consisted of 34 polyphonic pieces for the  Canonical hours and 59 for the Mass throughout the ecclesiastical year. Pérotin revised the book and composed new organa, conductus and motets. The impact of the new polyphonic repertory they provided was enormous: their works were performed all over Europe and copies of them were still being made at the beginning of the 14th century. Before Léonin and Pérotin, the development of polyphony had been held back by the absence of any rhythmic organisation in musical notation; between the earliest written polyphony, the simple organa of Musica enchiriadis (c. 850), and the florid school of St. Martial (12th century) comparatively little progress in fixing the rhythm had been made. Writing measured part-music is a fundamental process of composition which might be compared to learning to paint in colour, to write in verse, or to construct a stone archway. Yet when Léonin and Pérotin evolved the technique of modal rhythm (basically the application of a series of rhythmic modes derived from classical prosody) and established an adequate method of musical notation, they not only laid the foundation for the subsequent notational advances of the next two centuries but produced magnificent works of art, grandly conceived and finely executed. The organa of the Magnus liber and the other compositions of the Notre Dame School are in no sense historical relics or mere academic excercises. They do however, present a number of problems for the 20th century performer (as well as editor) which perhaps accounts for their comparative neglect today.

Léonin’s Organa - (CD1, 1-4)
The Magnus liber of Léonin consists of a series two-part compositions known as organum duplum
or purum, in which the lower voice (the tenor) consists of a pre-existing plain-chant and the upper voice (the duplum) is newly composed. As was the practice of the Notre Dame School, only those sections of chant normally sung by soloists are set polyphonically, the remaining sections being left unadorned to be sung by the choir. This balance between plainsong and polyphony is an essential feature of Notre Dame organa. Further contrast is achieved within the polyphonic sections by the use of two contrasting styles of writing:
a) the ‘sustained-tone’ style, in which the tenor part holds very long notes against a rapidly moving duplum
b) the ‘discant’ style, in which both parts move at roughly the same speed. In the later Notre Dame pieces the discant sections became known as clausulae (from the Latin clausula = ending) because the part of the melody on which they are based usually comes at the end of the chant.
Although Léonin limited himself to a two-part texture, he obtained great variety within it by exploiting the contrast between these two styles. In the sustained-tone sections the duplum part demands great virtuosity of execution: Léonin alternates sequential melodic phrases with the fast running passages or currentes which are so characteristic of his solo writing. The opening of Viderunt omnes [CD1, 1] includes a quick downward scale of an octave and a fourth, demanding the sort of vocal technique we associate more with Baroque opera than mediaeval Church music. Léonin’s discant sections are much simpler, and the preponderance of the first rhythmic mode (derived from the trochaic metre and normally transcribed in 6/8 in modern notation) inevitably produces a dance-like lilt. It is worth noting, in view of the subsequent development of the motet, that Léonin occasionally repeats the plainchant tenor in these sections, presumably in order to give them more weight, as for instance in the second discant section of Viderunt omnes.
Besides demanding an accomplished vocal technique, Léonin’s organa present interesting problems of range. The soloist is normally expected to cope with a compass of at least an octave and a half, and, taking the pitch as it stands, this often lies uncomfortably in between normal tenor and alto ranges. Whilst pitch was anything but standardised in the Middle Ages, these pieces do not
easily lend themselves to transposition, since accommodating the soloist all too often takes the unaccompanied plainchant sections out of the normal range of the choir. Accordingly, the four organa from the Magnus liber recorded here have been performed at the written pitch. Two of the duplum parts have been assigned to countertenors and two to tenors so that the listener may compare the use of ‘normal’ and ‘falsetto’ techniques. There can be little doubt that falsetto singing was used by some of the singers in the Notre Dame choir: mention is made of the taste for very high-pitched singing (acutissimis vocibus) in Pérotin’s time.

Perotin’s Quadrupla
Perhaps the most surprising feature of Léonin’s organa is the length of the pieces: long melismas turn a single line of plainsong into several pages of polyphony. Yet Léonin’s time scale is brief compared to that of Perotin, whose massive musical structures seem to bestride the history of mediaeval church music like a colossus. The two monumental organa included on this record are justly famous. Viderunt omnes [CD1, 5], probably written for the Christmas season of 1198, and Sederunt principes [CD1, 6] probably first performed on the Feast of St. Stephen in 1199 are the earliest known examples of four-part music in the history of European music. Both seem to share the architectural grandeur of Notre Dame itself. If the hallmark of Léonin’s style is the virtuoso treatment of a solo voice, that of Pérotin is the skilful manipulation of small choral forces. Where Léonin exploited vocal brilliance and decoration, Pérotin relied on repetition and exchange of parts (Stimmtausch) between voices. Where Léonin produced a constant flow of new melodic ideas, Pérotin preferred to limit himself to a handful of short phrases which he could work into a pattern at once ever changing yet basically constant. In the two organa quadrupla, the sustained notes of the tenor have become so extended that each syllable of text becomes a complete section, and a change of note or syllable in the tenor part heralds the introduction of a new group of ideas in the upper parts. Yet the fact that the three upper parts sing virtually continuously over a sustained note which is so long that it acquires the permanence of a drone should not suggest monotony. Perotin’s vocal writing is eloquent, irraginative, and full of delicate effects. It is certanly no more instrumental in character than that of Léonin, and the presence of instruments doublng the voices can only make the singers’ job harder rather than easier.

The performance of Notre Dame Organa
The problem of the use of instruments in the performance of Notre Dame Church music is a vexed one. It should be remembered that, at this point in history, musical instruments were at a comparatively early stage of development in Europe. The art of bowing was only a century old and many the instruments which were to become so popular and widespread in the 13th and 14th centuries were not yet in use. As far as France is concerned, there is virtually no evidence of the use of the dulcimer, lute, transverse flute, or portative organ at this early period, even though their participation has been suggested. Bearing in mind the complex nature of the music, the use of loud outdoor instruments such as shawms, drums or cymbals seems less likely still. Only two instruments have an undisputed part in mediaeval Church music since their association with the Church is regularly chronicled from early mediaeval times onwards: the organ and chime-bells. Of course, as Ethel Thurston has pointed out, we cannot be certain that there actually was an organ in Notre Dame at all in Perotin’s time - but if there was, it would certainly seem likely to have been used to double the voices of the long-note tenor parts. It has been suggested that the whole practice of organum came from the organ in the first place, though it must be remembered that the Latin word organum meant any kind of instrument, not just the organ. Chime-bells were used for teaching the scale and its intervals, notably in the choir schools, and it was a natural extension of this practice that they should accompany plain-song during the service too: bells are sometimes depicted hanging by the side of the organ, ready for use.
Accordingly, the only instruments employed in the works by Léonin and Pérotin recorded here are bells and organ. Bells are used to double the tenor part throughout the Léonin organa, and on places to join in the plainsong sections too, where the joyful nature of the occasion seems to warrant it. It seems particularly appropriate, for example, in Alleluya Pascha nostrum [CD1, 2], an Alleluya verse of the Mass of Easter Sunday. In the Pérotin quadrupla the organ has been used to double the tenor part throughout. The listener may be interested in the following further details of interpretation.
Ligature (a notational sign combining two or more notes in a single group): Generally speaking, ligatures have been interpreted as guides to phrasing.
Plica (an ornamental note to be inserted between written notes): We have endeavoured to follow the suggestion of the theorist known as pseudoAristotle who said that a plica is to be sung “with a partial closing of the epiglottis combined with a subtle repercussion of the throat”.
Tremolando (a fluctuation in volume, as opposed to vibrato, a fluctuation in pitch): According to Walter Odington tremolando (tremule teneatur) was an optional addition to the sustained tenor notes of organa. Our experiment with this effect can be heard in the latter part of Pérotin's Sederunt principes.
Florata (a term not clearly understood, mentioned by Anonymous IV as applied to the long notes at the beginning of organa): We have interpreted this as a suggestion to emphasise the opening of the organa, (sometimes decorated with an initial dissonance acting like an appoggiatura as in Léonin’s Viderunt omnes and Locus iste.)
Insertion of rests: Franco of Cologne recommends the insertion of occasional rests in the tenor part to avoid excessive dissonance. We have adopted this practice in the Pérotin organa, not only to avoid dissonance but in order to give the singers a chance to breathe.
Tenor parts: Because of the problem of breathing already mentioned, these have been assigned to three singers who are able to take it in turns to breathe and thus produce a continuous sound.
Acknowledgments
Much of the foregoing material is based on the researches of William G. Waite and Ethel Thurston, whose editions, cited in the table of sources, contain much fascinating background information. I am also most grateful for the help of Bruno Turner who kindly provided me with the appropriate plainsong interpolations for the Léonin pieces, and whose advice has been invaluable.

Ars antiqua: 13th-century motets in the Montpellier and Bamberg Codices
The transition from the Notre Dame organum to the 13th-century motet takes us from the monumental to the miniature. Listeners will have observed that the clausulae sections of the organa are much shorter than the sustained-tone sections and it was from the clausula that the motet developed as a separate and quite independent form. For an excellent series of examples illustrating how this process took place, the reader is referred to Archibald T. Davison and Willi Apel, Historical Anthology of Music (Cambridge, Mass., 1949, pp. 24-26). Briefly, the motet originated shortly after the year 1200 as a two-part clausula in which a new text had been added to the duplum part. The new upper voice of the motet became known as the ‘motetus’ part, because of the addition of words (‘mots’) and the name eventually became applied to the whole piece. The typical 13th-century motet emerged as a three-part composition, organised as follows:
Tenor: a short melismatic section of plainchant, usually identified by the word or syllable to which it was originally sung. The Easter gradual Haec dies provided two particularly popular tenors, including Haec dies itself (employed in the Bamberg motet O mitissima/Quant voi - Virgo virginum [CD1, 15]) and In seculum (employed in the Bamberg hoqueti Nos. IV and V and in Adam de la Halle’s J'os bien - Je n’os) [CD2, 4]. Another common tenor was Domino, taken from one of the melodies used for ‘Benedicamus Domino - Deo gratias’, a salutation of the Roman liturgy sung at the end of all offices. It can be heard in the Bamberg motet Dominator Domine - Ecce ministerium [CD1, 13]. Having selected his tenor, the composer organised it in a rhythmic pattern, often involving repetition. In Dominator nomine - Ecce ministerium the tenor occurs twice, in On parole de batre - A Paris - Frese nouvele [CD1, 11] the tenor occurs four times, whilst in Amor potest - Ad amorem [8] the short three-note tenor achieves an ostinato effect by being repeated over 30 times. An element of repetition is already found in the tenors of Léonin’s organa, as mentioned above.
Duplum and triplum: the organisation of the tenor was designed to suit the newly-composed parts which were written successively against it, first the duplum (the second voice) and then the triplum (the third voice). This successive method of composition is important because it emphasises the independence of the three parts, especially between the upper two. Unexpected dissonances could (and did) occur between duplum and triplum and their separation is strengthened by the fact that they were almost invariably settings of different texts. Sometimes the texts were related: the upper parts of On parole de batre - A Paris - Frese nouvele both extol the delights of Paris; in Dominator Domine - Ecce ministerium both texts concern the Virgin and the miraculous birth of Christ. But on other occasions motets could be not only polytextual but bilingual. The substitute French text in the triplum part of O mitissima/Quant voi - Virgo virginum juxtaposes a prayer to the Virgin Mary with a lovesick complaint to fair Marion. Occasionally the duplum or triplum part might itself be borrowed. The Montpellier motet S'on me regarde - Prennés i garde [CD1, 9] ingeniously combines a secular tenor with a monophonic rondeau by the trouvère Guillaume d’Amiens (Prennés i garde) as its duplum, whilst the triplum and tenor of In mari miserie also occur in the Roman de Fauvel.
Although the motet was initially developed within the Church, it rapidly became popular outside it. A glance at the texts shows that the majority are of a secular nature, even though plainsong tenors continued to be used. The alternative texts which exist for the triplum part of O mitissima/Quant voi - Virgo virginum illustrate the transition. The Bamberg codex contains a sacred text, a prayer to the Virgin Mary, whilst the Montpellier codex contains a secular substitute: the complaint to the fair Marion mentioned above (both texts, incidentally, have been recorded here). On occasions the tenor might itself be secular, though still used in the repetitive manner of a plainsong tenor. The tenor of On parole de batre - A Paris - Frese nouvele may possibly be a popular street cry of the time, or a political slogan, whilst that of Quant je le voi - Bon vin doit - Cis chant [CD2,6; (from the Roman de Fauvel)] sounds like a real drinking song. The tenor of En mai - L'autre jour - Hé! resvelle toi is a rondeau refrain known from several sources and also used by Adam de la Halle in his Le Jeu de Robin et de Marion. (This motet may in fact be by de la Halle.) One particularly unusual motet is Alle, psallite cum, luya [CD1, 7]. The tenor is fragment of an alleluya ingeniously repeated, whilst the upper parts adapt the principle of Stimmtausch to provide an early form of canon. The text of the duplum and triplum consists of a trope of the word ‘alleluya’, splitting up the word with shouts of praise: ‘Alle - praise with - luya, Alle - with a full and devoted heart praise God with - luya’.
The majority of 13th century motets, like those found in the Montpellier and Bamberg codices, are anonymous. The latter collection is particularly interesting through its inclusion of seven instrumental pieces, the earliest surviving corpus of mediaeval instrumental music, aside from dance music. For this reason the pieces have been recorded here in their entirety. Their style is
totally different from that of the vocal pieces, since the instrumental motets take the form of hoqueti, or hockets. The hocket (literally ‘hiccup’), a device commonly used in vocal writing, consisted of the truncation of a melodic line: a good example of its use can be heard at the end of Amor potest - Ad amorem. It was only one device among many however, and we should not expect to find it used continuously throughout a piece. Yet that is precisely what happens in the Bamberg instrumental motets, suggesting that mediaeval musicians had a rather distinctive approach to purely instrumental composition. Hocketting certainly makes an effective (and enjoyable) exercise for instrumentalists and these performances have been carefully designed to demonstrate the most important instruments of the time.The tenor of one of the hockets (No. 4) is marked In seculum viellatoris (In seculum of the fiddle player) and this unusual example of suggested instrumentation has been followed accordingly.

Adam de la Halle and Petrus de Cruce
During the second half of the 13th century some individual composers begin to emerge. The trouvère, Adam de la Halle (c. 1230 - c. 1300) most famous for his dramatised pastourelle, Le Jeu de Robin et de Marion, contributed a number of delightful motets, as well as early polyphonic forms of the rondeau, virelai and ballade. The three motets selected here reveal the more treble-dominated style of the later 13th-century motet. In De ma dame vient - Diex [CD2, 3] the duplum occupies a very subordinate role, whilst the brilliant triplum of En mai - L’autrejour - Hé! resvelle toi (possibly the work of de Halle) is in the nature of a tongue-twister. This dominance of the triplum is even more obvious in the work of Petrus de Cruce (died c. 1300). He made an important contribution to the development of notation by introducing quicker note-values. The semibrevis, which could be sung in groups of up to nine, enabled Petrus de Cruce to create a kind of parlando effect, alternating with more sustained passages. Although his style was a transitory one, the motet Aucun ont trouvé - Lonc tans [CD2, 2] reveals a musical expressiveness ahead of its time.

Ars nova: The Roman de Fauvel and Philippe de Vitry
Theorists such as Jacob of Liège (in his Speculum musicae written in the second quarter of the 14th century) referred to the period of Petrus de Cruce and the 13th century school as that of Ars antiqua in order to distinguish it from their Ars nova. The champion of the new style was Philippe de Vitry (c. 1290-1361), who introduced the term as the title of a treatise completed in about 1325. Although this deals primarily with notational innovations, its results were far-reaching since it provided composers with a more precise and flexible notation, a much wider choice of rhythms and consequently greater compositional freedom. During the 14th century, the motet, along with the other polyphonic forms, developed considerably in length and structure, culminating in the superbly elaborate works of Machaut and the composers of the Chantilly codex. But to start with not all the advances pleased everybody. Here is an extract from the decree of John XXII (an Avignon Pope from 1316 to 1334) issued in 1324/25. The minim, to which he refers so scathingly, had been introduced into musical notation in about 1300.
Certain disciples of the new school, much occupying themselves with the measured dividing of time, display their method in notes which are new to us, preferring to devise ways of their own rather than to continue singing in the old manner; the music, therefore, of the divine offices is now performed with semibreves and minims, and with these notes of small value every composition is pestered. Moreover, they truncate the melodies with hocket, they deprave them with discantus, sometimes even they stuff them with upper parts made out of secular song... We now hasten therefore to banish these methods... and to put them to flight more effectually than heretofore, far from the house of God.
In spite of Pope John’s decree, compositions continued to be ‘pestered with notes of small value’, though composers were generally quite content to remain ‘far from the house of God’. As a reaction against the Church’s conservatism, composers turned to the court for employment and the main musical developments of the 14th century in France lay in the realm of secular music. In any case, criticism of the venality and materialism of the Church had been mounting since the 12th century. The sale of indulgences, the existence of standing Church armies and the widespread and open corruption of the clergy undermined the reputation of the Church, culminating in the Great Schism (1378-1417) during which two Popes ruled in competition with one another, one in Rome and one in Avignon.
In 1314 Gervais du Bus, clerical notary at the chancellery of the French King between 1313 and 1338, completed a virulent attack on both Church and State, entitled the Roman de Fauvel. It consists of a savagely satirical poem of over 3000 verses which reveals to a striking degree the disrespect in which the whole establishment was held. In 1316 an enlarged version of the Roman de Fauvel was made by Chaillou de Pestain, including musical interpolations. The musical items, none of which appear to be by Chaillou himself, are very varied in style. The lyrical Zelus familie - Ihesu tu dator [CD2, 7] could belong to the mid-13th century, whilst the four-part Quasi - Trahunt - Ve, qui gregi deficiunt [CD2, 8], with its mannered use of plica and dotted rhythm, is much more up-to-date. The texts are in French as well as Latin, the more satirical pieces such as La mesnie - J'ai fait nouveletement - Grant despit [CD2, 5] tending to be in the vernacular. Yet varied though the style of the musical additions to Roman de Fauvel may be, they are well integrated into the original poem and, as a glance at their texts will show, their moral purpose is a clearly unified one.
A number of the Fauvel motets are probably the work of Philippe de Vitry although no attributions accompany the compositions. Unlike most theorists, he was a composer of international standing though comparatively few surviving compositions can definitely be ascribed to him. Those motets definitely by Philippe de Vitry reveal a positive musical personality and an outstanding compositional technique. In keeping with the aggressive spirit of the Roman de Fauvel, he used his motets for polemical purposes. Cum statua - Hugo, Hugo, princeps [CD2, 10] is an outspoken attack against an unknown enemy which must have had a powerful impact since it apparently acquired the force of a proverb. Impudenter - Virtutibus laudabilis [CD2, 9), on the other hand, is a gentle religious work in honour of St. Mary, showing that even when the Church was under attack, sacred composition was not entirely neglected.
An important element in the motets of this period was the development of the technique of isorhythm. This is the term coined by the German musicologist Friedrich Ludwig for the repetition of a series of time-values in the tenor part (and sometimes in the upper parts too) independent from the repetition of the melody. The rhythmic formula imposed by the composer (the talea) was regarded as a quite separate entity from the borrowed melody (the color) and the interaction of the two became a vital (though not always audible) constructive principle in the new motet. The technique is latent in many of the motets of the 13th century, but it was the Ars nova composers who made a real feature of it. Both Philippe de Vitry’s motets recorded here are isorhythmic, though the technique is more apparent in the four-part Impudenter - Virtutibus laudabilis. Here both the instrumental parts (tenor and contratenor) are isorhythmic and both demonstrate the most audible device associated with isorhythm: that of diminution. Towards the end of the piece the time values of the taleae are halved, thus doubling the speed and galvanising what had been fairly slow-moving accompanying parts into action almost as vigorous as that of the two voices. Diminution is an effective emotional technique, heightening the tension at the moment where further repetition is liable to pall and de Vitry makes the most of it by simultaneously changing the texture of the upper parts as well. At the point where the diminution begins in the tenor and contratenor, the two voices have completed their respective texts and continue to the end with an unusually long and elaborate melisma involving hocket and syncopation. This coda (or cauda, as we might properly term it) forms a brilliant and exciting conclusion to a motet which will stand comparison with any by the later composers represented on here.

The motet of the 14th century: intellectual and musical expression
Before the middle of the fourteenth century the motet was the most elevated musical form of its day. Older than any of the polyphonic chanson types, it offered unrivalled scope for intellectual and musical expression. It was cultivated by all the leading French composers, and listened to with respect by the courtly cognoscenti and patrons of music. As the theorist Johannes de Grocheo put it:
This sort of song should not be performed before ordinary people because they do not notice its fine points nor enjoy listening to it, but before learned people and those on the lookout for subtleties in the arts.
From about 1350 onwards, the supremacy of the motet was challenged by the rapidly developing courtly formes fixes: the rondeau, virelai and ballade. These chanson types were free from the limitation imposed by a pre-composed tenor whilst their repetitive and stylised  musical structure appealed to both poets and composers alike. Motets continued to be written, however, although in reduced quantities. Rather as the caccia seems to have been regarded by 14th century Italian composers as a ‘special’ category of composition compared to the madrigal or ballata, so the motet became a form only to be attempted every now and again: Guillaume de Machaut, for example, wrote only 23 motets compared to over 90 examples of the polyphonic chanson. Whilst chansons were basically vehiclesfor the expression of amour courtois in all its aspects, motets could still serve a much wider purpose and offer a greater scope of subject matter. As Frank Harrison has written, motets could be “devotional, admonitory, laudatory, moral, didactic, courtly-amorous or rusticamorous”. Their appeal became, if anything, even more elitist: “They were performed ... probably on a few special kinds of occasion ... The society which used this music was apparently composed of those ecclesiastics and members of high feudal circles, probably no great number in all, who had the inclination and the knowledge to indulge their taste for oblique poetry combined with recherche music.”
The literary texts of the later motets are certainly nothing if not obscure, requiring a thorough knowledge of the literary conventions and historical background of the period, for their proper understanding and appreciation. Musically they are extremely difficult to perform, taxing the singers’ virtuosity and stamina to an extraordinary degree. Yet in spite of the fact that today the more immediate appeal of the chansons has tended to overshadow the importance of the later 14th-century motet (dismissed by some modern writers as an outmoded form, past its best) the works recorded here have been unjustly neglected. They represent the summit of nearly two centuries of musical development, and may be numbered amongst the most glorious artistic achievements of the Middle Ages.

The Ivrea Codex
Although the Ivrea codex was probably compiled during the years 1360-70 its repertory covers a much wider time-span, including motets by Philippe de Vitry and even earlier pieces, such as Clap, clap - Sus Robin [CD2, 12] which probably dates from the last years of the 13th century. Of all the manuscript collections of the Middle Ages, the Ivrea codex contains what is probably the most representative selection of motets: with a good cross-
section both of styles and subject matter. Bernard de Cluny’s Pantheon - Apollinis - Zodiacum [CD2, 11] is a grand ceremonial piece, found in a three-part version in the Ivrea codex. The two additional parts from the (now lost) Strasbourg manuscript are included here, making up a rich five-part texture, very unusual for the period. In the pedagogical text of the triplum, Bernard de Cluny (clearly author as well as composer) invokes the divine music of the spheres, Pythagoras and Boethius, whilst the duplum lists the names of many contemporay musicians: Johannes de Muris, Philippe de Vitry, Henri d’Hélène, Denis le Grant (Dionysius Magni), Renaud de Tirlemont, Robert d’Aix (Robertus de Palatio), Guillaume de Machaut, Gilles de Thérouanne (Egidius de Morino), Guarin de Soissons, Arnold de St.-Martin-du-Ré, Pierre de Bruges and Godefroid de Baralle. Three motets in the Chantilly codex contain similar roll-calls of honour.
In contrast, Clap, clap - Sus Robin [CD2, 12] is a hilarious rustic piece describing Robin’s amorous escapades at the mill and making the most of double-entendre. The poems are punctuated by the noise of the millwheel turning and the two voice-parts are musically related to an unusual degree, whilst the tenor is a secular one. Ida capillorum - Portio nature [CD2, 13] by Gilles de Pusiex is a sacred piece honouring St. Ida, countess of Bologne. The tenor is a variant of the opening of the Antiphon Ante thorum Trinitatis. Rachel plorat filios - Ha fratres [CD2, 14] is a bitter protest against the high ecclesiastics and regular clergy who oppress the friar-preachers; it probably dates from the time of Pope John XXII, during whose rule the Franciscan order was torn by disputes about the vow of poverty. Lés l'ormel - Mayn se leva - Je n’y saindrai [CD2, 15] is a lyyrical pastourelle: all the texts are in French and the tenor is a pre-existing secular song. The triplum of O Philippe - O bone dux [CD2, 16] is a piece of flattering rhetoric addressed to King Philip VI, whilst the duplum mixes praise with advice to Prince John (who became John II in 1350). Febus mundo oriens - Lanista - Cornibus [CD2, 17] is a rather more subtle tribute to a noble patron of music, Gaston Phébus (1331-1391), Lord of Foix and Béarn. All three parts extol his virtues: the triplum compares him to the sun, the duplum praises his prowess as a military leader whilst the tenor refers to his emblem as count of Béarn. A most unusual feature of this motet is that the tenor is apparently freely composed. Whilst the Ivrea motets recorded here illustrate the range and variety of the form, none of them make particularly imaginative use of isorhythm.

Guillaume de Machaut
The best known exponent of the mediaeval motet is Guillaume de Machaut (c. 1300-1377), the dominant figure both in lyric poetry and music in 14th century France. As a young man he took holy orders and became secretary to King John of Luxembourg, probably in 1323. He followed the king on many military expeditions and travelled as far afield as Poland, Silesia and Italy. After the death of John of Luxembourg on the field of Crécy in 1346, Machaut served a series of royal patrons. They included King Charles of Navarre, Charles of Normandy who became King of France in 1364, Pierre I, King of Cyprus and Jean, Due de Berry. Because he wrote the first complete setting of the Mass to have survived, Machaut’s place in the history of music is sometimes misunderstood. He was not primarily an innovator. In many ways conservative, his genius lies in the way he combined a mastery of all the techniques of the age with a gift of melody and expressiveness. He was as good at writing a simple tune as he was at writing an elaborate isorhythmic motet and he approached the business of composition with the freedom of genius.
The motet Lasse! - Se j'aim mon loyal ami - Pour quoy [CD2, 18] is a superb example of his art, in which both words and music are carefully integrated to produce a lovesick complaint, touching the depths of passionate melancholy. The subject of all three texts is marital unhappiness, to which the duplum and triplum add that of loyalty and devotion to their true lover outside marriage. What makes this conventional situation of amour courtois unusual is that all the texts are written from the woman’s point of view. The upper parts are related musically as well as poetically, sharing the four-note figures which are such a fingerprint of Machaut’s style. Nevertheless, it is the more syllabically-set triplum part which dominates the piece, unfolding a ravishingly expressive melodic line in which a poignant cadential phrase returns again and again. The tenor part, unusually for Machaut, is neither sacred nor isorhythmic, but consists of a simple melody in rather free virelai form. Although this motet requires the solution of some tricky problems of musica ficta, Machaut’s intention is clearly to emphasise the despairing mood by some plangent discords. There are few other motets in which the three parts each retain such a distinctive individuality yet at the same time fuse to produce a miracle of sustained expression.
The other three pieces recorded here demonstrate different aspects of Machaut’s art. Qui es - Ha! Fortune [CD2, 19] is a tirade against the fickleness of Fortune in which the rich poetic images are matched by outbursts of hocket and syncopation in the two voices, constantly competing in vivid syllabic declamation. The famous Hoquetus David [CD2, 20] is Machaut’s only purely instrumental work, and like the Bamberg hoqueti it explores the technique of hocketting, though at considerably greater length. The name ‘David’ derives from the source of the isorhythmic tenor part, the melisma ‘David’ from the alleluia verse, ‘Nativitas gloriose virginis’. It is hardly surprising that Machaut’s hocket has fascinated a number of modern composers, such as Peter Maxwell Davies, and inspired them to make their own arrangements of it since it seems to transcend the time-span of its age and be at once totally mediaeval and totally modern. There is no other comparable work in the whole of 14th-century music and it is interesting to speculate as to why Machaut wrote it at all. Was it conceived as a purely academic exercise or, if it was designed for performance, what sort of situation did Machaut have in mind? Mediaeval wind instruments seem able to make the most of piece, though it asserts considerable demands on their technique. Christe, qui lux es - Veni, creator spiritus [CD2, 21] is a sacred motet, providing a splendid example of carefully worked-out diminution in the lower two parts. The solo opening for first one and then two voices is especially effective: the tenor and contratenor are silent for the best part of the first 50 bars. Christe, qui lux es - Veni, creator spiritus was written after 1356; the other three pieces by Machaut recorded here belong to the period 1349-1363.

The Chantilly Codex
The record ends with three large-scale motets from the Chantilly codex, compiled between about 1380 and 1390: its entire contents belong almost certainly to the second half of the 14th century. Degentis vita - Cum vix artidici [CD2, 22] features an attack on the venality of the Church from the triplum, offset by the duplum in which the Church itself (represented by St. Peter) laments its own poverty. This motet contains a number of unusual features which enable it not only to sustain its length but build up to an impressive climax. The texture is a constantly fluctuating one: the two voices alternate between long notes and passages of hocket, whilst the triplum has a number of interesting parlando passages. The contratenor is a particularly lively one and may originally have been conceived as a vocal line. Inter densas - Imbribus irriguis [CD2, 23] is another piece in praise of Gaston Phébus, Lord of Foix and Béarn. As with Febus mundo oriens - Lanista - Cornibus from the Ivrea codex, the flattery is subtle, aristocratic and refined, matching the dream-like vision of grace and beauty evoked by the texts. Although the origin of the tenor is unknown, its appropriateness is clear enough from the incipit: ‘Admirabile est nomen tuum’. Above it, the two voices develop a series of related ideas in which the melodic interval of a third seems to be ever-present. These melodic lines are constructed in a series of neatly dovetailed sections and their soothing triple-rhythm has an almost hypnotic lilt. The carefully prepared conclusion is a masterstroke on the part of the composer, in which he highlights the name of this patron in the last two notes of the triplum. Finally a more obvious piece of flattery, couched in the same sort of grand ceremonial manner as Bernard de Cluny's Pantheon - Apollinis - Zodiacum from the Ivrea codex. Rex Karole - Leticie [CD2, 24] by Philippe Royllart is in honour of King Charles V (reigned 1364-1380).

The interpretation of the motets
A final word may be said about the interpretation of the motets. These works offer wide scope for different interpretations since we actually have fewer clues relating to their performance from contemporary theorists than we have for the Notre Dame organa. Although the exact degree to which words and music are related in polytextual motetsis difficult to assess, the literary texts clearly provide useful guidelines to interpretation in the absence of more specific instructions from the composer. Such matters as tempo, instrumentation and dynamics have been arranged to match the prevailing mood or situation presented by the text. Again the performance suggestions relating to the plica and ligature (already mentioned in connection with the organa) have been observed. The listener may be interested in the following points:
Disposition of voices: The vocal range demanded by mediaeval motets suits the compass of male voices (alto, tenor, bass) rarely exceeding the compass G - d”. Because of the often virtuoso nature of the vocal lines, solo voices seem preferable in all but the simplest examples. Vocal doubling can be heard in two pieces which seem to benefit from slightly fuller vocal treatment: Alle, psallite cum, luya and Quant je le voi - Bon vin doit - Cis chant.
Instrumental doubling of voices: Again this seems appropriate only to the simpler style of the 13th-century motet, and even then the choice of instruments must be made with care in order to complement rather than obscure the text. Plucked instruments, such as the harp, mandora and psaltery are most useful in this respect (see S’on me regarde - Prennés i garde, CD1, 9). The part which most often lends itself to instrumental doubling is the tenor, particularly when it is melismatic or textless. A number of motets include examples of instrumental doubling of various kinds.
Replacement of voices by instruments: Although this is almost certainly a legitimate method of performance, it has not been followed here and all existing texts are sung (but see note on repetition below).
Vocalization: The absence of an underlaid text does not preclude the use of voices. The vocalization of a textless line would have seemed a natural enough technique to singers accustomed to long melismas, and it seemed particularly appropriate to the tenor parts of In mari miserie and Zelus familie - Ihesu tu dator.
Addition of percussion parts: The lighter dancelike motets seem to benefit from the addition of a rhythmic part. Nakers and tabor can be heard in a few pieces.
Repetition: Some of the earlier motets are so short that they seem to demand a second hearing. Sometimes the repetition has been straightforward (for instance In Mari miserie) but on occasions the performances illustrate the principle of successive composition. With On parole de batre - A Paris . Frese nouvele, for example, the tenor is heard on its own first, then with the duplum added, and finally there is a complete performance with the triplum as well. Elsewhere instrumental and vocal performances of the same piece have been juxtaposed, as with El moi de mai - De se debent.
Musica ficta: It is unlikely that the thorny problems of unwritten additional accidentals to sharpen or flatten leading notes at cadences to avoid tritones and other dissonances will ever be satisfactorily settled. A number of the decisions taken for these recordings are our own, and differ from those found in the editions cited in the table of sources
.
David Munrow (1976)
(Acknowledgements: Some of the foregoing information has been taken from the notes and
critical com mentary to the editions by Leo Schrade and Frank LI. Harrison
)